Every new government gets a small honeymoon with history. Franklin Roosevelt used his to tell a broken America that the first task of power was not perfection, but motion: “Above all, try something.” Suvendu Adhikari, a month after taking oath as CM of West Bengal on Rabindranath Tagore’s birth anniversary on May 9, seems to have imbibed that spirit. The first BJP CM of the state is almost in a war-like mode to re-imagine Bengal, ramming through some harsh steps too, even as the focus firmly stays on the unravelling of Trinamool Congress playing out on live television.In Indian cinema, perhaps no chief minister had a more dramatic first day than Anil Kapoor’s Shivaji Rao Gaekwad in Nayak. It was governance powered by adrenaline. That is why the film remains such a fan favourite. It understands what citizens secretly crave from power, that the state must look alive and active.Suvendu Adhikari’s first month has had something of that Nayak energy. Not in the sense that one man can solve Bengal in a month. But the alacrity with which the government has moved on some issues clearly shows it is keen to lay down the marker on how it wants to govern for the next five years. So far, what has stood out in BJP’s brief tenure in Bengal is that it has already opened several flanks to cater to many of its core constituents. The prompt rollout of the Annapurna scheme and free bus service for women is a recognition that women remain Bengal’s most important political battleground. Job-age relaxations have been announced for youth, another constituency the BJP is keen to retain. Then there is the nationalistic playbook of being strong on infiltration and imposing laws in letter and spirit, particularly those that touch minority practices.Here we look at some of the broad themes of change in Bengal’s fast changing political landscape.
TMC loses its aura
For fifteen years, and particularly in the last ten, the Trinamool Congress had almost an unchecked run, occupying all echelons of power. It slowly metamorphosed into a street veto, where almost nothing moved without the consent of the local strongman.Now, with the implosion of the Trinamool Congress in the state assembly and Parliament, the party appears to be facing its deepest crisis. This is perhaps the biggest change in the last 30 days, one that even the most ardent critics of TMC may not have anticipated. This, along with the long arm of the law catching up with several TMC leaders and repeated ED summons to Abhishek Banerjee, is being read as an indication that the winds of change are more enduring than a solitary electoral drubbing.To many, TMC’s clout loss looks less like a momentary blip on the radar and more like a change in the social order. Hence, the weathercocks even at the lower levels have been quick to realign themselves with the new order of the day.The crackdown on alleged extortion and corruption networks has hit the headlines relentlessly over the last month. From ex-ministers to civic leaders, there has been a spate of arrests. For BJP, it is a signal of accountability after years of localised impunity.While the BJP has been careful not to officially induct TMC workers and leaders so far, with Kakoli Ghosh Dastidar and other MPs signalling support for the NDA, sooner or later many may find themselves in the saffron fold. According to political expert Subhamoy Maitra, how BJP deals with leaders who cross over will be keenly watched. The fact remains that after widespread resignations in panchayats and municipalities, when elections happen again, BJP may have to draw some cadres from TMC, including those belonging to the rebel faction. If those against whom ordinary people had grievances regain power, it may lead to heartburn among citizens, warns Maitra.
Faith, food and a harder state
The government has started enforcing laws on public prayers and road occupation, visible during Eid celebrations, with prayers being held at Brigade Parade Ground in Kolkata instead of Red Road. So far, the government’s action in this regard has got limited pushback, barring the odd flare-up.The government has also moved to strictly enforce the West Bengal Animal Slaughter Control Act, with certification requirements and restrictions on unauthorised slaughter. The stated aim is to check illegal slaughter and cattle smuggling.The decision to discontinue religion-based allowances is another marker of the new line. Honorariums for imams, muezzins and purohits have been discontinued. Vande Mataram has been made mandatory in government-run and government-aided schools, with a similar order for recognised madrasas and other Islamic educational institutions. This set of orders completely aligns with BJP’s cultural playbook and is likely to keep its core voters content.
The border pushback
Another big part of BJP’s nationalistic pitch over the years has been the promise to crack down on illegal infiltration through the Bangladesh border. The state has begun land acquisition and handover work for fencing along the India-Bangladesh border and has set timelines for pending land transfers. It has also begun using holding centres for undocumented migrants, while claiming thousands have been pushed back to Bangladesh.Not everyone, though, is convinced by this government action. Ranjit Sur, vice-president of the Association for Protection of Democratic Rights, says the Suvendu government has resorted to illegal, unconstitutional and inhumane ways to govern in its short tenure. He expresses deep concern about 4,800 “illegal migrants” getting pushed back to Bangladesh, a figure provided by the Chief Minister. Maitra, though, believes the border pushback is happening in small numbers and is unlikely to become a major issue in Bengal politics any time soon.
Bulldozer in Bengal
Unauthorised buildings in many parts of Kolkata, some allegedly developed by TMC-linked figures, have been razed. Hawker eviction drives have touched railway spaces and station areas, including Howrah, Sealdah, Dum Dum and Jadavpur.Sur dubs it brutal and fears this may slowly empower police to usher in what he calls a “UP-style” model of law enforcement. Maitra too warns that issues like hawker eviction may soon become unpopular if alternative policies are not envisioned.
Women and youth get early benefits
Mamata Banerjee built a deep relationship with women and welfare beneficiaries. Adhikari’s first month suggests the BJP understands this deeply. Hence, Annapurna Yojana has been quickly rolled out. However, BJP is also looking to clean up the delivery mechanism with a detailed 12-page application form and screening linked to SIR deletions. The detailed form though has come for fair share of criticism and may become a big issue if not addressed, opines Maitra. Free bus service for women has already generated goodwill, especially among daily commuters. The bigger challenge, though, will be overhauling the state transport system and adding more government buses.The government has also tried to reach out to the youth by revising the upper age limit for state government jobs. Scholarships are being projected as the replacement for religion-based assistance. PM Shri Schools have been brought into the central-schemes push.The OBC quota revision, though, marks the BJP government wading into choppy waters to signal to its core constituents. It has moved to bring the quota back from 17% to 7%, citing court compliance and pre-2010 categorisation.The decision to constitute the 7th Pay Commission is another tick on its pre-election promise list and has buoyed state employees and pensioners. For low-income beneficiaries, the revamped Maa Canteen, now branded as Maa Ahar, is a major relief. Fish-rice is available for only Rs 5 twice a week in government canteens.
Double engine on turbocharge
The much-vaunted double-engine government model has already shown its green shoots. Ayushman Bharat is the biggest wellness marker. The government has decided to bring Bengal into a national health-insurance architecture it had stayed outside for years. Ujjwala, PM Surya Ghar, PM Vishwakarma, PM Fasal Bima and other central schemes are now being rolled out in Bengal. Funds stuck for a long time over political one-upmanship are getting sanctioned.The same double-engine argument is visible in rail and Metro projects. The Chingrighata stretch of the Metro, caught in legal cobwebs for years, got unlocked in a matter of days. Several rail projects stuck in bureaucratic loopholes have been re-energised. The proposed high-speed corridor to run bullet trains connecting Delhi with Siliguri has added icing to the cake.
Symbolism on point
The new government has tried to project a responsive image by opening up Janatar Darbar, attended by the Chief Minister, and Apnar Sarkar Apnar Pashe helplines. Calling opposition leaders for meetings has been a welcome move in a state where political rivalry often morphs into political untouchability.The government has also decided to replace Biswa Bangla branding with the national Ashoka emblem across official communication. The traditional white-and-blue colour theme of the state, started by TMC, is also being given a silent makeover. The Messi statue and the controversial football-themed sculpture near Vivekananda Yuba Bharati Krirangan in Kolkata have also been removed, perhaps as a play to the gallery.
The harder part starts now
If the government manages to implement all its welfare schemes, Bengal’s debt is likely to exceed Rs 8 lakh crore by the end of the 2026-27 financial year. That makes unlocking new sources of revenue mandatory. Beyond symbolism, how much the government is able to energise Bengal’s moribund manufacturing sector will ultimately be the real hallmark of its success. Bengal needs jobs, and urgently. TMC understood it but failed to find a way, and many believe it was forced to turn a blind eye to the blanket cut-money culture.Adhikari has moved quickly to tell investors that Bengal is open again, meeting the L&T chairman after talks with Adani Ports MD Karan Adani, with discussions around infrastructure, logistics, ports and power. L&T already has a Rs 1,670-crore Gangasagar Setu contract, while the state is exploring a new deep-sea port site at Dadanpatrabar after the troubled Tajpur chapter. Amul’s proposed expansion gives a much-needed boost to an industrial engine that needs massive impetus to take off.Nayak worked because it showed a state demanding accountability. But governance is no cinema. Can a government that began by trying everything learn the more difficult art of doing the right things again and again, after the cameras have moved on?That is when the honeymoon ends. That is when governance begins.
